L. Sandy Maisel (ed),
Encyclopedia of American Political Parties and Elections,
(New York: Garland Publishing, 1991).
Jeremy R. T. Lewis
PhD, MA, Johns Hopkins University
MA, BA, Oxford University
now: Associate Professor of Political Science
Huntingdon College, 1500 East Fairview Ave,
Montgomery AL 36106
All rights reserved; if taking short quotes under fair use, please cite properly.
AGNEW | "BOBBY" BAKER | CHARLES
BUCKLEY | JAMES BUCKLEY |
| CRITICAL ELECTIONS | PAT CUNNINGHAM | MEADE H. ESPOSITO |
| GERALDINE FERRARO | GENTRIFICATION | EDWARD I. KOCH | JOSEPH MARGIOTTA |
| JOHN MITCHELL | ROBERT MOSES | SARGENT SHRIVER | GEORGE WALLACE |
SPIRO THEODORE AGNEW.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Spiro Agnew was born in Baltimore of a Greek immigrant restauranteur father, and attended Johns Hopkins University and the Baltimore Law School, interrupted by service as a tank commander in Europe. In Towson, a white Republican suburb, he prospered in banking, real estate, and local politics, becoming County Executive in 1962 and Governor of Maryland in 1966 by upsets, as a progressive Republican in a solidly Democratic County. George Mahoney, a Democratic segregationist, had alienated blacks and liberals. Agnew won by 50% to 40%, rewarding liberals with open-housing, graduated income tax and anti-poverty legislation; but in 1968 he denounced demonstrators, won pre-emptive powers for the National Guard, and cut welfare spending.
Agnew supported Nixon in 1968 and as Vice Presidential candidate he campaigned vigorously for the Middle American backlash vote, inveighing against the hippies and demonstrators. He did call for more minority opportunities, however. In office he attacked the press and peace protesters, and supported the war in Cambodia and Vietnam; he angered his party, however, with his attack on the liberal Republican Senator Goodell of New York. In 1972 he led the Administration's assault on the Democratic candidate George McGovern, and on the subsequent Watergate investigation, but further soured relations with the press.
Agnew resigned in 1973 facing charges of conspiracy, extortion, and bribery; he was fined $10,000 after pleading nolo contendere (no contest) to federal income tax evasion. He lobbied for oil interests, then retired to Rancho Mirage in the California desert.
Agnew, Spiro T. 1980. Go Quietly ... or Else. New York: Morrow.
Cohen, Richard M., and Jules Witcover. 1974. A Heart-Beat Away: The Investigation and Resignation of Vice President Spiro T. Agnew. New York: Viking.
Coyne, John R. 1972. The Impudent Snobs: Agnew Versus the Intellectual Establishment. Arlington:
Pinchot, Ann, et al. 1968. Where He Stands: The Life and Convictions of Spiro T. Agnew.
Witcover, Jules. 1972. White Knight: The Rise of Spiro Agnew. New York: Random House.
Richard Milhouse Nixon.
ROBERT GENE "BOBBY" BAKER.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Bobby Baker was born in Pickens, S.C., became an energetic congressional page at 15, and earned degrees from George Washington and American Universities while working for the Senate Democratic Leadership. He served Robert Kerr (D-Okla) and Lyndon Johnson as Senate Majority Secretary from 1955 until 1963, when his career was ended by scandal.
Baker knew Senators and procedures so thoroughly that his head counts were legendary and Johnson described him as "my strong right arm." He was nicknamed "Lyndon Junior". Liberals resented his control of the Democratic campaign chest, and after 1961 he seemed to serve Kerr more closely than Mike Mansfield, the new Majority Leader.
Baker was forced to resign in 1963 when it transpired that he was a millionnaire despite a modest salary. An associate alleged he "conspired maliciously" against his business. The Senate Rules Committee found Baker had a million dollar stake in a vending corporation, Serv-U, with clients in the aerospace industry overseen by Senator Kerr's committee. He had dealt in insider trading of stock, and received fees from lobbyists for favors delivered, including "party girls", bank charters and product licenses.
Barry Goldwater attacked Johnson on the issue in the 1964 campaign,
and Johnson went so far as to deny that Baker had been his protégè.
Baker survived two bitter, partisan Rules Committee investigations, only
to be imprisoned for tax evasion, theft and conspiracy to defraud the government
in demanding campaign contributions and lobbying fees. The Senate failed
to pass "Bobby Baker amendments" requiring financial disclosure.
Lyndon Baines Johnson.
Senate Rules Committee.
Baker, Robert Gene, with Larry L. King. 1978. Wheeling and Dealing: Confessions of a Capitol Hill Operator. New York: Norton.
1890 - 1967.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Charles Buckley was a bricklayer and construction company owner who became the strictest boss in the country, as Bronx County Leader and Chair of the Public Works Committee of the U.S. Congress. He ruled the nation's most disciplined machine from 1953 through 1966, though reform insurgents of Mayor Wagner unseated him from congress in 1964. He spread patronage jobs to the precincts, though not to his family; he was a tenacious negotiator who snarled obscenities at the press; he never campaigned on the hustings, let alone on television. Yet he won fifteen House elections as an Irishman in the half Jewish Bronx.
Buckley was an old fashioned professional, dealing quietly and only in private. Yet he played a major role in the success of John F. Kennedy in the 1960 Presidential convention, swinging New York delegates to the son of his old friend Joseph Kennedy. He supported Kennedy's Appalachian program by selective distribution of public works and federal office buildings to key districts, and in the early days of his rule had supported the young Representative Wagner. Robert Kennedy, the Attorney General and Senatorial candidate from New York, supported Buckley over the reform forces of Wagner in 1962-64, but announced that he would be neutral for 1966 when Buckley's machine was declining. Buckley was defeated in the House 23rd district primary of June 1964 (despite the mysterious breakdown of voting machines) by a patrician reformist, Johnathan B. Bingham.
In 1966 he joined forces at the last minute with the northern Manhattan machine to defeat reformers' choices for judicial positions, his last hurrah.
It was the end of an era when he died in January 1967. He had lived
modestly in the Bronx district (with a stud farm in Rockland county), surviving
countless charges of graft and absenteesim from the congress.
New York Times, Sept 30, 1964; June 3, 1964; April 30, 1964;
Obituary, Jan 23, 1967.
JAMES LANE BUCKLEY.
By Jeremy Lewis.
James Buckley was born in 1923, to wealthy Catholic parents; he graduated from Yale Law school following wartime service in the Navy. He managed his brother William's unsuccessful campaign for mayor of New York in 1965, then ran twice for the Senate as a Conservative. He was seated in 1970, supported by President Nixon, and winning 38.7% of the vote against Republican and Democratic candidates.
He was an outspoken, independent conservative Senator in foreign and domestic policy, opposing the welfare state and government intervention in the economy. He held to this principle even in opposing assistance to Lockheed, the military contractor; he opposed federal child-care centers, the minimum wage bill, rehabilitation for the handicapped, the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, and federal loan guarantees to New York. He favored anti-crime and anti-drug abuse laws, supported the Nixon administration's Vietnam policy and high defense appropriations, and opposed the War Powers Resolution. He was unafraid to oppose the social security benefit increases.
The Supreme Court ruled in Buckley v Valeo that limits on campaign spending violated the First Amendment, although public financing of campaigns in the 1974 Federal Election Amendments was upheld. Then the Buckley Amendment of 1976 gave adults the privacy and inspection rights over student files. Thirdly, Buckley became the first conservative to call for President Nixon's resignation. Buckley was unseated by Daniel Patrick Moynihan in 1976.
Buckley, James Lane. 1975. If Men Were Angels: A View From the Senate. New York: Putnam.
Markmann, Charles Lam. 1973. The Buckleys: A Family Examined.
New York: William Morrow.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Elections are critical where there is an enduring shift in the social forces supporting each party, as occurred in 1896 and 1932. A realigning election is one in which an opposition party wins both the Presidency and control of many other elective offices. A major issue sets the parties apart in a new cleavage, with large numbers of new voters choosing sides, together with a large number of voters switching parties on the basis of a policy rather than a personality. Other elections may convert a previous Presidential victory into a broad party victory, maintain both the party in the Presidency and the party in broad positions of power, or deviate control of the Presidency without changing the control of most other elective offices.
In 1896 the Democratic party was divided between the urban commercial interests of the northeast and the insurgent forces of southern and western farmers. The farmers' candidate was the "Boy Orator of the Platte", William Jennings Bryan, who launched the first barn-storming campaign arguing "You shall not crucify mankind upon a Cross of Gold." Farmers had suffered high interest rates and tight money on the gold standard, during a depression. They argued for bi-metallism, dollars backed by silver and gold. The Republicans had dominated elective positions across the country since the civil war, but they had collected only a narrow majority of votes.
The Republican, McKinley, campaigned from his front porch, speaking to a handful of reporters, but Mark Hanna organized the most expensive campaign in history, at $15 million; much was raised from big businesses, sometimes from intimidated employees. McKinley won, but the Democrats became a national party.
The Democrats welcomed immigrants, permitting expansion in the twentieth century. In 1932, the patrician Governor of New York, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, led the Democrats to victory in reaction to the Great Depression. Hoover the Republican incumbent, also spoke of balancing the budget and of restoring confidence, but Roosevelt attracted millions of new voters with his energetic personality.
The parties realigned, the Democrats taking the solid white South, farmers, blacks, the northern and eastern urban working class and intellectuals. The New Deal coalition was confirmed in the elections of 1936 and 1940, although the Administration did not stimulate a consistent economic recovery until wartime.
Numerous white ethnic immigrant voters had switched to the democrats in 1928 in Somerville, Massachusetts, when Al Smith, a Roman Catholic, ran for President before FDR. The realignment of parties was a social movement, not merely a matter of charismatic personality. Illinois, a good predictor of Presidential contests, realigned over several elections which preceded the national realignment.
Jimmy Carter's resurrected the New Deal coalition in 1976 but by 1980 lost male "hyphenated Americans" (Theodore Roosevelt's phrase for white ethnic voters) who switched to the Republicans for more aggressive foreign policy. There was no critical election, no realignment.
A secular trend of declining party identification has marked the twentieth century, leading to possible dealignment as citizens alienated from politics following Watergate and Viet Nam, prefer television and bars to political clubs .
W.P. Webb. 1949. How the Republican Party Lost its Future. Southwest Review 34:329-339.
Arthur W. MacMahon. 1948. Conflict, Consensus, Confirmed Trends, and Open Choices. American Political Science Review, 42:1-7.
Samuel Lubell. 1952. The Future of American Politics, ch. 4.
V.O. Key, jr.. 1955. A Theory of Critical Elections. Journal of Politics 17:3-18.
Duncan MacRae, Jr., and James A. Meldrum. 1960. Critical Elections in Illinois: 1888-1958. American Political Science Review, 54:669-683.
Gerald Pomper. 1967. Classification of Presidential Elections. Journal of Politics 29:535-566.
PATRICK J. CUNNINGHAM
By Jeremy Lewis.
Patrick J. Cunningham was born to a subway worker but graduated from Fordham College and New York University Law School. As occasional counsel to Charles Buckley's Public Works Committee of Congress which brought major highway funding to the South Bronx, he earned the admiration of Mayor Beame, Governor Carey, and former Mayor Lindsay.
His only public campaign failed to upset Representative Johnathan B. Bingham in the 1968 Democratic primary. But he delivered votes to Mayor Beame in 1973 and half the Democratic forces to Govenor Carey for re-election in 1974.
He led the Bronx Democratic machine without acknowledging the New Democratic Coalition; he opposed Robert Abrams, the reformist Bronx Borough President, until Abrams ran for State Attorney General in 1973, when Cunningham supported him to remove him from the Bronx. Cunningham used his patronage powers in private and shunned reporters; he disliked the term "boss". He became Bronx Democratic chairman and in 1974 Carey's New York State Democratic chairman, managing votes on the Financial Control Board during the major fiscal crisis of 1974-5. On the Democratic National Committee's Arrangements Committee, he drew the convention to New York City in 1976 and 1980, bringing millions of dollars and prestige.
His conviction for income tax evasion cost him a year in prison from September 1984 to November 1985, and the end to his legal and political career, though in January 1988 he raised funds for Representative Mario Biaggi's unsuccessful defense against federal charges of accepting illegal gratuities.
Cunningham, Patrick J., Telephone interview, March 20, 1989.
Lynn, Frank, "Cunningham makes Plea for Suspending of Judgment on charges". New York Times, January 25, 1976.
Weisman, Steven R., "Hugh Carey's Choice". New York Times, Nov 9, 1974.
New York Times, 1988.
Whisnant, Elizabeth, Newsday Librarian and Archivist.
MEADE H. ESPOSITO.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Meade Esposito was the owner of printing and insurance businesses, and the last powerful boss of the Brooklyn machine. He served as County Democratic Leader from 1969 until retirement in 1984, well into the reform era. He arranged many favors and enriched himself in return.
Esposito claimed that after he had supported Beame for mayor in 1973, he got six commissionerships. But Esposito could only discreetly help Koch win the mayoralty since an open endorsement would have tarnished Koch. Esposito held Italians back from Mario Cuomo. He also secured for Koch the Chancellorship of the Board of Education against the teachers' union.
Mayor Koch told Esposito that if he were embarrassed by weakness, he could always claim after the fact that he had suggested appointments.
In 1987 he was found guilty of giving an illegal gratuity to Rep. Mario Biaggi, with free vacations to Florida. Biaggi had helped the Coastal Dry Dock Corporation of Brooklyn receive payments from the Navy, and stay in business. Esposito received a suspended two-year sentence and a fine of $500,000.
On surveillance tapes he talked of giving forty-two judges their jobs; of being boss of the whole state; of having "invested" the money in helping Rep. Biaggi; of political "contracts" every place he went, even after retirement.
In 1988 he was indicted with his daughter Phyllis Zito, for commercial bribery, tax fraud, and conspiracy in obtaining contracts for his Beaumont Offset Printing Corporation. It was alleged he had given $200,000 in kickbacks and laundered $250,000 in fake invoices.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Edward I. Koch.
Laundering of money.
Koch, Edward I., with William Rauch. 1984. Mayor. New York: Bantam.
Koch, Edward I., with William Rauch. 1985. Politics. New York: Bantam.
New York Times, coverage of the trials in 1987 and 1988.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Geraldine Ferraro was born to Italian immigrants in New York, surviving early deaths in her family to become Walter Mondale's nominee for Vice President, before her political fall in real estate, tax and drugs scandals.
She worked for a decade in New York Democratic Clubs and civic groups: her cousin Nicholas became a State Senator in 1974, and she became an assistant District Attorney with the Special Victims Bureau. Although a tough prosecutor, she became liberal while assisting rape victims.
She won the Ninth Congressional District of Queens, (nicknamed after Archie Bunker, the bigoted television character) with 53% of the three-way Democratic primary in 1978, then a bitter general election with a ten-point margin. The Democratic leadership did not support her, but she succeeded with family help (her husband being a wealthy property developer) and a law and order platform.
Re-election was assured after she had pleased Speaker O'Neill, labor unions, and the district, fighting for public works around LaGuardia Airport. She voted the party line except for opposing school busing, supporting tuition tax credits, and opposing some defense projects.
She was strongly feminist but cross-pressured by the Catholic church and her District. She emphasized fairer pensions for women, rather than federal funding of abortions for women in limited circumstances.
She served the Speaker on the Democratic Caucus in 1980, the Steering and Policy Committee, (controlling committee assignments) and the Hunt Committee (writing the rules for the 1984 Democratic convention) where she helped increase the share of "superdelegates"; the Budget Committee, and the Chair of the 1984 Democratic platform committee (where she tried to eliminate specific liberal pledges.)
The first female VP nominee weakened an already feeble campaign by having to pay back taxes, return illegal campaign contributions, and list her husband's dealings on financial disclosure forms. The 1984 election was the worst ever Democratic defeat. Later her son was convicted of drug dealing.
Ferraro, Geraldine, with Linda Bird Franke. 1985. Ferraro: My Story. New York: Bantam.
Breslin, Rosemary, and Joshua Hammer. 1984. Gerry: A Woman Making History. New York: Pinnacle Books.
Democratic Steering and Policy Committee.
Democratic Platform Committee.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Gentrification is the improvement of dilapidated neighborhoods by the immigration of young upwardly-mobile professionals, ("Yuppies") often reversing urban decay caused by the "white flight" of the middle class to the suburbs. Some areas (e.g. around Columbia University or near M.I.T.) are revitalized by the magnet of a major university; others, like Baltimore in the late 1970s, succeed through partnership of federal funds, municipal administration, and private initiative.
Political effects come from the improved tax-base delivered by the corporations employing yuppies, tending to sustain the Democratic Administrations despite the ending of machines; but some middle class Republican voters also returned to Democratic cities.
The injection of a massive commercial fortress, such as Detroit's Renaissance Center, into a decayed center, often failed to attract the middle class. Boston's more open-plan entertainment center of Quincy Market, however, served as a model as far as Covent Garden in London. Expensive condominiums on Boston's waterfront mark the arrival of upper middle class Republicans, and the gradual departure of working class Italian Americans from the adjacent North End.
Baltimore combined rebuilding of inner harbor docklands for entertainment, with "Urban Homesteading" whereby the city sold decrepit rowhouses to young professional couples who rehabilitated them. The successful developer of "urban malls" in Boston, Baltimore and the Seaport in Manhattan, was a New Dealer, James Rouse, restoring political and economic strength to Democratic inner cities.
EDWARD I. KOCH.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Edward Irving Koch was born to poor Polish Jews in the Bronx, fought in the infantry, and studied at City College and New York University law school. He served as a feisty and outspoken U.S. Representative, then Mayor of New York for three terms, capturing the support of both the machine and reform factions.
He joined the Village Independent Democrats and the Tamawa machine of De Sapio; he became District Leader, then civil rights lawyer in the early 1960s, and City Councillor in 1966. He reduced drug-dealing in Washington Square, pleasing Italian-Americans of the South Village. In 1968 he became Representative for the Silk Stocking district, voting for weapons cuts, Israel, school busing, federal aid for abortions, public broadcasting, public transport, consumer protection, tax relief for single adults, the Cooper-Church Amendment to end the bombing of Cambodia, and the Privacy Act of 1974. He enabled homosexuals to parade, with a Miss America defending his bachelorhood.
Koch ran for Mayor in 1973, but withdrew through lack of funds. During the fiscal crisis of 1975, he obtained federal loan guarantees despite President Ford. In 1977-8 he became mayor with "tv spots" by David Garth, arguing against crime, charisma and clubhouse, and for competence. He protected Jewish and Catholic taxpayers but lost blacks and hispanics; he lost the Governorship to Mario Cuomo, being uncomfortable in upstate New York.
Koch required merit selection in central offices, but elsewhere he allowed patronage, and by 1987 the Bronx and Queens leaders were indicted for corruption. In the 1988 Presidential campaign he endorsed Gore rather than front-runners Dukakis and Jackson.
Edward I. Koch, with William Rauch. 1984. Mayor. NY: Warner.
Edward I. Koch, with William Rauch. 1985. Politics. Ny: Warner.
Arthur Browne, et al, I, Koch.
JOSEPH MICHAEL MARGIOTTA
By Jeremy Lewis.
Joe Margiotta grew up in Brooklyn and the Long Island suburbs of Nassau County. He built the strongest Republican party machine in the country, helped select state and national tickets, fed jobs to hundreds of party workers, and delivered record vote margins.
In 1958 he became counsel to State Senator Edward Speno, his predecessor as Nassau County Chairman 1965-68. In 1965 he became State Assemblyman, and soon Chairman of the Hempstead Republicans and the County Committee, championing suburban white middle-income Catholic voters over emergent urban voices.
He forced the weakening of zoning powers for Governor Rockefeller's Urban Development Corporation; protected the county schools in the state budgets; and blocked the planned Oyster Bay bridge to the mainland. Margiotta delivered record New York votes to the 1972 and 1976 Nixon and Ford presidential campaigns; placed Supervisor Sol Wachtler on the State Court of Appeals, helped make Perry Duryea Assembly Speaker, and Ralph Caso and then Francis Purcell Nassau Executives. County workers, though, complained about kicking back one percent of salaries to the party.
Margiotta's fall stemmed from opposition to Democratic Governor Hugh Carey: in 1978 the State insurance Commission complained about insurance fee-splitting in Nassau. Following a hung jury trial, a retrial convicted him on six counts of mail fraud and extortion, and he resigned before serving time in 1983.
Alan Eysen of New York Newsday and the Newsday Library.
New York Times.
JOHN NEWTON MITCHELL.
By Jeremy Lewis.
John Mitchell was born a Long Island Protestant conservative, earned his law degree at Fordham; and commanded PT boats in World War II, earning a Silver Star. Afterwards he specialized in municipal bonds, becoming a consultant to politicians including New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller. In 1967 his law firm merged with that of Richard Nixon, and following his successful managing of the "Southern Strategy" and "law and order" campaign of 1968, he was appointed Attorney General.
He called for preventive detention of those awaiting trial; life sentences for those with three felony convictions; the "No-knock" provision of police entry without warning; stiffer narcotics penalties; and more widespread wiretapping.
Mitchell denounced demonstrators both as communist and Nazi-inspired, and insisted on prosecuting the Chicago Seven, Harrisburg Seven, and Daniel Ellsberg. He tried to weaken the Civil Rights Act; advised on national security policy and urban affairs, and recommended the successful promotion of Warren Burger as Chief Justice, together with the failed appointments of Haynsworth and Carswell to the Supreme Court.
In 1972 he Chaired the Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP) until his wife Martha obliged him to resign. He denied accusations of ordering the Watergate burglary and obstruction of justice, and was acquitted of charges that he got the SEC to block investigation of Robert Vesco the financier, in return for a contribution. He was convicted of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury; was disbarred, and served nineteen months, the first Attorney General to serve in prison.
Ben-Veniste, Richard, and George Frampton, Jr. 1977. Stonewall: the Legal Case Against the Watergate Conspirators. New York:
Harris, Richard. 1970. Justice: the Crisis of Law, Order and Freedom in America. New York:
Funeral report: David E. Rosenbaum, "John N. Mitchell is Remembered as a Victim of `Cruel Treatment'". New York Times Nov 13, 1988.
Viorst, Milton. 1970. Hustlers and Heroes.
Wills, Garry. Nixon Agonistes.
by Jeremy Lewis.
Robert Moses chaired the powerful public works force of the Triborough Authority of New York from 1936-1968, but presided over the money-losing World's Fair of 1964, and lost his position as the most successful administrator in the City's history.
Arriving in city politics as a reformer, Moses built most of the major public amenities. In 1924 he headed the State parks department, constructing beaches on Long Island, many parks, and the commuter parkways which led to development of suburbs in Westchester and Nassau counties. In 1934 he added the responsibility for city parks, and accumulated twelve appointive posts at his peak, though he never held elective office. His system of publicly-issued bonds financed long term construction and ensured his longevity as an administrator, until a scandal involving slum clearance contracts obliged his resignation in 1960.
Governor Rockefeller forced him to resign other state posts in 1962, though he retained the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority. The World's Fair he ran without many European governments' support because of another contracting scandal, and he was further hampered by coincidental demonstrations for black civil rights. The subsequent losses prevented the building of more parks.
Moses managed to defeat Mayor Lindsay's plan in 1966 to subsidize the Transit Authority with the Triborough's tolls; but he was unable to block a grander scheme of Governor Rockefeller's to merge these with the Long Island and Penn Central Railroads into a giant Metropolitan Transit Authority in 1968. A substantial role for Moses failed to materialize, and he effectively retired.
Caro, Robert A. 1974. The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. New York: Knopf.
Moses, Robert. 1970. Public Works: A Dangerous Trade. New York:
ROBERT SARGENT SHRIVER, JR.
By Jeremy Lewis.
Sargent Shriver was born wealthy in Maryland, becoming Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity 1964-68, then Ambassador to France till 1970. He got a law degree at Yale, served in the Navy, and managed a Kennedy Merchandise Mart, marrying Eunice Kennedy. He learnt politics on the Chicago Board of Education, did campaign liaison for John Kennedy's Presidential race, directed the new Peace Corps till 1966 and the O.E.O. from 1964. He had to design both programs to eliminate poverty rapidly, but settle fears of an independent poverty bureaucracy; his solution was to maximize participation of the poor and of local politicians in the Community Action Program. Funding cutbacks caused by the Vietnam war, excessive expectations, and a profusion of projects caused strong criticism from all sides, including other federal agencies. Poverty was not defeated, administration was loose, and the new agency was weak. Conservatives attacked the chaotic organization, and the poor were angrily ungrateful.
Following his posting to Paris, Shriver ran in 1972 as Vice-Presidential candidate on George McGovern's ticket, but both proved too liberal for the country, which gave Richard Nixon re-election by a landslide.
The O.E.O. may have lost the War on Poverty, but it did set up the Job Corps for teenagers, and Volunteers In Service to America (VISTA) which helped alleviate poverty in Appalachia. Unfortunately for the Democrats, it was used by their opponents as a prime example of liberal waste, even though it never cost more than $4 billion a year; this helped create a more conservative consensus in the 1970s.
Ginzberg, Eli, and Robert M. Solow, eds. 1974. The Great Society: Lessons for the Future. New York:
Redman, Coates. 1986. Come as You Are: The Peace Corps Story. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
GEORGE CORLEY WALLACE.
By Jeremy Lewis.
George Wallace was born to a farmer, flew combat missions over Japan, and worked his way through the University of Alabama law school by professional boxing, after winning the state's Golden Gloves twice. In 1953 he was elected circuit judge, becoming known as the "Fighting Judge" for opposing federal Civil Rights Commission rulings.
He lost the Governor's race in 1958 to a militant segregationist, and vowed never to be "out-segged" again. He won in 1962 on a states' rights platform, then "stood in the schoolhouse door" as promised, first to bar two black students from the University of Alabama, then to prevent desegregation of the public schools. President Kennedy had to federalize the National Guard both times to desegregate the schools.
Wallace ran in Democratic primaries in 1964, faring well till he withdrew following the Republican nomination of conservative Barry Goldwater. Wallace used troopers to block Luther King's 1965 Selma marches, forcing Kennedy to federalize the Guard again. Unable to succeed himself in 1966, he ran his wife Lurleen, and won four more years as de facto Governor.
In 1968 he ran on the American Independent Party ticket in all 50 states, winning five southern states and 13.6% of the vote. He undercut President Nixon's conservative support by outflanking him on segregation and law and order. In 1969 a national American Independent Party was formed, though Wallace declined to head it officially. Wallace opposed the Nixon Administration's busing program to desegregate schools, and the withdrawals of American troops from Vietnam. Nixon would have to work for his southern strategy.
Wallace returned to racial appeals (and Ku Klux Klan support) to win the Governorship again in 1970 from incumbent Albert Brewer who appealed to the "future" (i.e. the "bloc vote" of blacks). The Nixon Administration had put him on their enemies list, funded his opponent, and ordered an IRS investigation of him. In 1971 he blocked busing for racial balance, and in 1972 ran in Democratic primaries, against crime, taxes and busing. The Democratic National Committee Chair and the President of the AFL-CIO disowned him, but he won the Florida primary with 42%, came second in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, and won Indiana with 40% and Alabama, Tennessee, and North Carolina.
He was shot and paralyzed while campaigning in Maryland, which he won with Michigan. George McGovern clinched the nomination with a win in California, and Wallace took neutrality, being in ill health.
Wallace's gubernatorial re-election in 1974 with 64% of the primary vote included a quarter of the black votes, following his conciliatory rhetoric. His populist appeal to working men was wearing thin, however, because of Alabama's lack of welfare state and labor legislation, low education spending and widespread corruption.
Wallace ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1976, but on the issues of crime and taxation, since race was receding in salience. Without protest rhetoric, he lost the Florida and North Carolina primaries to the unknown Jimmy Carter of Georgia, a reformist candidate.
This precipitated his withdrawal, and eventually his retirement when his Governor's term expired in 1978. He had not formed a lasting new coalition or realignment, but he had forced both major parties to compete hard for the south, and to back off on busing for racially balanced schools.
Carroll, Peter N. 1985. Famous in America: The passion to Succeed: Jane Fonda, George Wallace ... et al. New York: Dutton.
Crass, Philip. 1976. The Wallace Factor. New York:
Frady, Marshall. 1968. Wallace. New York: World.
Greenshaw, Wayne. 1976. Watch Out for George Wallace. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.
Leek, Sybil and Bert R. Sugar. 1976. The Assassination Chain. Corwin.
Wallace, Cornelia. 1976. C'nelia: Cornelia Wallace. Philadelphia: Holman.
Wills, Garry. Nixon Agonistes.