Huntingdon College: program
in Political Science and Public Affairs:
Freedom
of Information Laws and Policies:
Research Materials.
Egan, Patrick. "Costly Monitoring:
Using Positive Theory to Analyze the
Implications of the Freedom of Information Act" (APSA, 2003).
compiled by Jeremy Lewis, PhD,
revised
20 June 2004.
1. Egan, Patrick. "Costly Monitoring:
Using Positive Theory to Analyze the Implications of the Freedom of Information
Act" (2003). Online. (17) Paper presented at the annual meeting
of the The American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott
Hotel, Philadelphia, PA <.PDF>. 2004-06-18
Publication Type:
Conference Proceeding
Review Method:
Peer Reviewed
Abstract: There
is little empirical or formal research conducted by political scientists
on
freedom of information
(FOI) laws. Those who have studied FOI laws have portrayed them as
tools that help
legislatures monitor bureaucracies at a lower cost than direct monitoring.
In this
paper, I formally
model the effects of FOI laws to argue that such monitoring comes at a
cost:
it brings agency
actions to the attention of the public, leading to a shift of policy toward
the
preferences
of the median voter. In some cases, this shift is in the legislature’s
interest. But in
others, it is
not. Self-interested, rational legislators therefore do not always have
the incentive to
adopt and expand
FOI laws. I support this analytical finding with examples from the 40-year
legislative
history of the U.S. Freedom of Information Act, and lay out additional
testable
hypotheses that
are yielded by my theory.
Primary Author
email: pjegan@socrates.berkeley.edu
What follows is text of full paper, extracted from damaged PDF
file, missing pages 10 & 11, and with tables and equations reduced
to simple, unformatted text. Horizontal lines divide the original
pages.
Costly Monitoring:
Using Positive Theory to Analyze
the Implications of the Freedom of
Information Act
Page 1 (title page only)
ABSTRACT:
There is little empirical or formal research conducted by political scientists
on
freedom of information (FOI) laws. Those who have studied FOI laws
have portrayed
them as tools that help legislatures monitor bureaucracies at a lower
cost than direct
monitoring. In this paper, I formally model the effects of FOI laws
to argue that such
monitoring comes at a cost: it brings agency actions to the attention
of the public, leading
to a shift of policy toward the preferences of the median voter. In
some cases, this shift is
in the legislature’s interest. But in others, it is not. Self-interested,
rational legislators
therefore do not always have the incentive to adopt and expand FOI
laws. I support this
analytical finding with examples from the 40-year legislative history
of the U.S. Freedom
of Information Act, and lay out additional testable hypotheses that
are yielded by my
theory.
INTRODUCTION
“This legislation springs from one of our most essential principles,” stated
President Lyndon Johnson upon signing the Freedom of Information Act
(FOIA) in 1966.
“A democracy works best when the people have all the information that
the security of
the Nation permits. No one should be able to pull curtains of secrecy
around decisions
which can be revealed without injury to the public interest.” (President
1966)
FOIA, which declares that citizens have a right to government records
subject to
certain exemptions for matters like national security, trade secrets,
and law enforcement,
is now considered a key element of the democratic process. But Johnson’s
elevated
rhetoric accompanying his signing of the FOIA elided the fact that
his administration had
never been particularly enthusiastic about the legislation (Archibald
1993). FOIA’s
origins were in the divided government of the mid-1950s, when a committee
in the
Democratic-controlled House began an investigation by Representative
John Moss (D-CA)
of government secrecy policies in the Eisenhower administration. An
11-year
campaign for an FOI law followed, with Moss as its unflagging advocate.
It wasn’t until
1964 that FOIA won passage in the Senate thanks to the help of Moss’
Senate allies, and
an aggressive lobbying effort by the press. But the bill was referred
to the House
Judiciary Committee, where it died unceremoniously. A similar fate
was predicted after
Senate passage in the 1966 session—a prediction so confident that the
executive branch,
known to be wary of the bill, waged little opposition. But Moss crafted
a political deal
that landed the bill in his own subcommittee and cleared its eventual
passage by the
House. “It took the Executive Branch by surprise,” wrote Sam Archibald,
who was
Moss’ subcommittee staff director for the entire 11-year campaign.
“Instead of the
expected easy death, the Congress watchers downtown knew they had a
possible
Freedom of Information Act on their hands.” (Archibald 1993: 729) After
his
Page 2 of 17
administration had won some important concessions in the legislation,
Johnson signed the
Freedom of Information Act—without ceremony or press coverage—on July
4, 1966.
Johnson’s wariness about FOIA was reasonable. With his signature, he
enacted a
powerful new tool with which the activities of the executive branch
could be exposed to
public scrutiny. Although he evoked high-flung principles upon its
passage, it was clear
that he—and most of the subsequent occupants of the Oval Office—believed
the
legislation to be contrary to the interests of the executive branch.
FOIA as a monitoring instrument
The handful of political scientists who have studied FOIA’s history
largely agree
with Johnson’s assessment. Although access to government documents
is considered a
hallmark—and indeed, a necessary element—of a functioning democracy,
political
scientists argue that at base, these laws are less about democratic
principles than about a
way for legislatures to monitor the bureaucracies of the executive
branch. As in any
principal-agent relationship, legislatures face information asymmetries
in their attempts
to monitor the bureaucracies they create, as agencies inevitably hold
more information
about their activities than do legislators.
Legislators can tackle this problem directly by undertaking monitoring
efforts
such as legislative hearings and investigations, ordering research
to be conducted by the
General Accounting Office, and requiring agencies to report on their
activities.
McCubbins and Schwartz (1984) call these “police patrol” activities:
they are
“comparably centralized, active and direct.” (166) But these activities
have obvious
opportunity costs: the time that legislators spend directly monitoring
bureaucracies means
less time spent pursuing other policy goals and working for reelection.
Political scientists argue that, like a profit-maximizing firm, Congress
reduces
these costs by outsourcing the activity to those who have greater incentives
to pay the
monitoring costs—most notably, interest groups. Using institutions
such as public
hearings, proposed regulations and comment periods, sunshine laws,
and FOIA, these
actors monitor the bureaucracy’s activities themselves and alert legislators
when their
interests are threatened. McCubbins and Schwartz (1984) term these
“fire alarm”
activities in contrast to the “police patrols” described above: “Congress’s
role consists in
creating and perfecting this decentralized system and, occasionally,
intervening in
response to complaints.” (166)
McCubbins, Noll and Weingast (1987) expand upon this argument by claiming
that Congress creates administrative procedures not only to monitor
the bureaucracy, but
to control it. The coalition that forms to create an agency—legislative
committees,
House, Senate and president—“seek[s] to ensure that the bargain struck
among the
members of the coalition does not unravel once the coalition disbands.
Specifically, the
coalition will seek to…create pressures on agencies that replicate
the political pressures
applied when the relevant legislation was enacted.” Such a coalition
does not “preselect
specific policy outcomes,” but “they will know which interests ought
to influence a
Page 3 of 17
decision and what distributive outcomes will be consistent with the
original coalitional
arrangement.” (255)
Among the reforms achieving this effect, argue McCubbins, Noll and
Weingast,
is FOIA, which “limits the ability of an agency to impose a change
in policy without
warning by requiring that, with minor exceptions, all records be made
publicly
available.” Along with the Administrative Procedure Act and the Government
in the
Sunshine Act, FOIA “enable[s] interested parties to learn about any
attempt by the
agency to develop a new constituency or to change policy while it is
still on the drawing
board. This disadvantages the agency by making political intervention
possible much
earlier in the policymaking process.” (259)
The conclusion drawn by these scholars, therefore, is that FOIA is
a relatively
cheap way for legislators to ensure that the views of the coalition
that create an agency
continue to influence agency policy long after the coalition has disbanded.
For example,
FOIA would ensure that the same political forces that created the Department
of
Education in 1979—that is, those represented by a Democrat-controlled
Congress and a
Democratic president—are continued to be brought to bear upon the department
even
after the legislature and the presidency (and therefore the department
itself) are controlled
by political actors with differing views than the department’s creators.
In the view of McCubbins, Noll and Weingast (1987), then, FOIA is an
institution
that helps preserve the policy preferences of those who create an executive
agency or
department. How reasonable a claim is this, however? Rather than recreating
the
political views of an agency’s founders, a procedure like FOIA could
alternately be
conceived of as expanding the field of conflict over an agency to the
entire political
spectrum. For sure, FOIA makes it difficult for an agency to develop
policy to its liking,
away from the attention of other political actors. But FOIA makes information
about
executive branch activity available to everyone—not just those sharing
the policy
preferences of the agency’s founders. It is therefore unclear that
FOIA gives those who
hold such preferences an advantage over other political actors. As
R. Douglas Arnold
writes in a response article to McCubbins, Noll and Weingast, “It is
easy to argue that
these techniques affect administrative behavior. It is not so easy
to predict exactly which
interests in society would be advantaged by specific techniques. That
is surely true for
the broad procedural rules which merely open up the administrative
process to normal
political forces.” (Arnold 1987: 285)
To return to my example, it is hard to make the argument that a procedure
like
FOIA helps keep policy at the Department of Education steered toward
the preferences of
the Democrats who created the agency—or their constituents, notably
the teachers’
unions, who supported its creation. Rather, a more reasonable claim
is that FOIA shines
a bright light on the department’s activity, leaving it open to the
inspection of any party
who is interested in what the department does.
Thus a rational consequence to predict from FOIA is that, instead of
preserving
the policy preferences of the creators of executive agencies, FOIA
drives agency policy
Page 4 of 17
toward the preferences of the median voter in the electorate. Agencies
are headed by
appointees of the president, who—following the scholarship of Downs
and his
descendants—faces electoral pressures to provide policies that meet
the preferences of
the median voter. The president can be assumed to have preferences
over the policy of a
given agency that, in the absence of public scrutiny, he would pursue
unencumbered. But
FOIA increases the likelihood that agency policies will become known
to the public, and
therefore leads agencies to think more carefully before they craft
policies that will be
unpopular.
Take, for example, a story that appeared in the June 5, 2000 issue
of USA
TODAY. The story reported that the Justice Department had sought and
received
permission for a record 880 wiretaps in spying and terrorism investigations
in the
previous year—up from 484 in the year before President Clinton took
office (Willing
2000). This information had been obtained by a privacy advocacy organization
through a
FOIA request and shared with the newspaper. Certainly, it makes more
sense to think
that the effect of the release of this information to the public is
to push the department’s
policy on antiterrorism toward the preference of the median voter (terrorism
was low on
the list of concerns for the median voter in 2000), rather than the
preferences of any other
political actor. Similar conclusions can be drawn about other revelations
of information
under FOIA, such as that the Food and Drug Administration has not studied
the effects of
genetically modified corn (Lappe and Hayden 2000), or that the independent
investigation of the FBI’s siege of the Branch Davidian compound near
Waco, TX was
projected to cost $11 million (Washington Post 2000). In all of these
cases, we can
presume that the revelation of information causes policymakers in the
executive branch to
think more carefully about the extent to which the median voter will
approve of their
policies.
The implications for Congressional
action
Given that FOIA most likely drives executive branch policy toward the
preferences of the median voter, when is it likely that Congress will
push for an
expansion of FOIA, and when will it advocate for its curtailment? I
address this question
formally below, but a brief informal analysis provides us with the
intuition that Congress
is most likely to press for the expansion of FOIA during times of divided
government,
and least likely to do so during times of unified government.
If we presume that legislators are utility-maximizing agents, they
make decisions
by weighing the costs and benefits of each potential action. They are
likely to expand the
ability of the public to make FOIA requests when the benefits of the
expansion to the
legislature outweigh whatever costs it may incur from the expansion.
I assume that
legislators’ costs and benefits regarding FOI laws depend on three
factors: (1) legislators’
preferences regarding the agency under scrutiny; (2) the median voter’s
preferences
regarding the agency; and (3) the policy pursued by the agency itself.
Depending on the
locations of the ideal points of the legislature, the agency, and the
median voter, a policy
correction in the direction of the median voter can be either beneficial
or harmful to the
legislature.
Page 5 of 17
Figures 1 through 3 depict three arrangements of the ideal points of
a
hypothesized legislator, a median voter, and an agency in a unidimensional
policy space.
(Other arrangements of ideal points are possible, but they have outcomes
that match the
three described here.) The preferences regarding agency policy are
denoted by ideal
points XL for the legislator, XA for the agency, and XM for the median
voter. (For our
purposes, we can consider XL to be either the ideal point of the legislature’s
median voter,
or of the median voter in the party in control of the legislature.)
In each scenario, the
agency adopts the policy that matches its ideal point, and then a successful
FOI request
exposes agency activity that is out of sync with the preferences of
the median voter,
resulting in a policy correction that moves agency policy closer to
the median voter’s
ideal point. I make the simple assumption that each political actor’s
utility is greatest if
policy matches its ideal point and decreases as policy moves further
away from the
actor’s ideal point in either direction.
Page 6 of 17
Last printed 8/22/2003 10:01 AM
XL XA XM
Figure 1: Agency policy is located
between preference of legislator and
that of median voter. Policy
correction results in loss of utility to
legislator.
direction of
policy correction
direction of
policy correction
XA XM XL
Figure 2: Ideal point for median voter
is located between legislator and
agency. Policy correction results in
gain of utility to legislator.
Figure 3: Ideal point of legislator is
located between that of the agency
and the median voter. Legislator
gains utility from policy correction
as long as the distance between the
median voter’s ideal point and the
agency’s ideal point is no more than
twice the distance (x) between the
ideal points of the legislator and the
agency.
direction of
policy correction
XA XL
x
XM
2x
Page 6 of 17
In Figure 1, agency policy is located between the ideal points of the
legislator and
that of the median voter. Any information that becomes public about
the agency will, we
assume, result a correction of policy toward the ideal point of the
voter—and further
away from the ideal point of the legislator. In scenarios like that
of Figure 1, then, FOI
laws are costly to legislators and we can expect such laws to be resisted—or
curtailed, as
was the case with amendments enacted to FOIA in 1986.
Now consider Figure 2. In this scenario, the median voter’s ideal point
is located
between those of the legislator and the agency. Therefore, any exposure
of information
that becomes privy to the public through FOIA will, we can assume,
lead to a correction
in agency policy toward that of the median voter. Happily for the legislator,
this is a
correction toward its ideal point, as well. In cases like these, FOI
laws are costless to
legislators: citizens simply become additional monitors of errant agency
behavior that
lead to policy corrections toward the ideal point of the legislator.
Finally, Figure 3 depicts the scenario in which the legislator’s ideal
point is
located between that of the agency and the median voter. In this case,
unless the median
voter’s ideal point is located more than twice the distance (depicted
as the variable x)
between the ideal points of the agency and the legislator, the legislator
gains utility from
the policy correction, because the resulting policy is closer to its
ideal point than the
agency’s original policy. Note that x is small when the agency and
the legislator have
similar preferences, and larger to the extent that their preferences
diverge. The greater
the distance between the ideal points of the agency and legislator,
the more likely the
legislator is to gain utility from the release of information about
the agency’s activity.
So when might we expect to see passage of—and restrictions on—FOI laws
by
legislators? When the legislature believes that there is a “runaway
bureaucracy”—and
the average voter shares its view. Conversely, we might expect that
committee chairs
with extreme views—i.e., whose ideal points are on the opposite side
of agency policy
than the median voter—might enact more restrictions on FOI laws’ coverage
of the
agencies in their jurisdiction to limit the exposure such agencies
have to citizen oversight.
All of these insights support a simple conclusion: Congress is more
likely to make
information access easier during times of divided government—when it
is less likely to
share the policy preferences of the president, and therefore the agency.
Conversely, we
should expect Congress to make access to government information more
difficult during
times of unified government, when it is likely to have preferences
closer to that of the
executive branch.
A Formal Analysis
To gain additional insight on the interaction between Congress and the
bureaucracy, I now proceed with a formal analysis. I first show how
adopting laws like
FOIA reduce the monitoring costs faced by the legislature in every
instance if, as
McCubbins, Noll and Weingast assert, such procedures reinforce the
policy preferences
of the coalition that created the agency. In this setup, the legislature
never has an
incentive to make it more difficult to access information under FOIA.
Page 7 of 17
I then analyze the implications of my claim that FOIA actually drives
policy
toward the preferences of the median voter. Here, the analysis supports
my conclusion
that the legislature has an incentive to expand access under FOIA during
times of divided
government, and has an incentive to cut back access to FOIA during
times of unified
government.
I first examine the implications for the interaction between Congress
and the
bureaucracy in a hypothesized world where FOIA does not exist—that
is, where
Congress monitors the bureaucracy’s activities directly, per McCubbins
and Schwartz
(1984)’s “police patrol” model. I will build upon these findings in
the analysis to follow.
I formalize the interaction in the following game, based on a popular
example in the
game-theoretic literature known as the “inspection game.” (See, e.g.,
Fudenberg and
Tirole 1991, 17.) In this stylized interaction, an agency must decide
whether to comply
with the policy mandate given it by a legislator (who as before may
be considered the
median voter in a legislature, or the median voter of the party controlling
the legislature),
or to “defect”—that is, adopt a different policy closer to its preference.
For its part, the
legislator must decide whether to “inspect” the agency’s activity—conduct
hearings,
investigations, etc.—or to not inspect. Both actors determine their
moves
simultaneously, unaware of the other’s plans.
How might we expect each actor to approach this game? For the purposes
of
formalization, we make a few standard assumptions. We assume that the
legislator
(denoted L) and the agency (A) have ideal points XL and XA respectively
located along a
unidimensional policy space. (See Figure 4.) The assumption of unidimensionality—
while not without its critics—can arguably be said to make sense here.
Because both
bureaucracies and Congressional committees specialize on particular
issues, we can
reasonably expect the interaction to involve only one dimension at
a time.
Each actor i’s utility Ui from a given policy X is calculated with
the quadratic loss
function Ui = - (X- Xi)2 – that is, an actor’s utility decreases the
farther away a policy X is
away from the actor’s ideal point. Without loss of generality, we can
assume that L’s
ideal point XL is equal to zero, and that A’s ideal point, XA, is equal
to some positive
number, x (XA = x > 0). In addition, we assume that should L choose
to investigate
agency activity, it incurs costs c, 0 < c < XA, and that should
A be caught defecting, it
incurs “embarrassment” costs e, 0 < e < XA. The legislature gains
the same amount, e, if
it catches the agency defecting. We can consider e the political gain
(for L) or loss (for
A) that comes with the revelation that the agency is not following
its policy mandate. For
illustrative purposes, e is depicted as greater than c in Figure 4,
although this need not be
the case for the analysis here to hold.
Figure 4: Ideal points of legislator and agency in a unidimensional
policy space
XL
e c x
XA
0
Page 8 of 17
The strategic form of this game appears in Figure 5. If A defects and
L does not
investigate, A adopts policy equal to its ideal point XA = x and enjoys
utility UA = (x –
XA)2 = zero, which by construction is the maximum value of the quadratic
loss function.
L’s resulting utility UL equals - (XL – x)2 = - (0 – x)2 = -x 2 . If
A defects and L investigates
at a cost of c, Congress discovers the defection, sets policy to its
ideal point of zero, and
A suffers a loss of e while L enjoys a gain of e. If A complies with
L’s policy preferences,
its adopts policy XL = zero and its resulting utility is - (0 – XA)2
= -x 2 . If L does not
investigate in this case, its utility is zero. If L unnecessarily investigates,
it incurs costs c.
Figure 5.
Game I: The Investigation Game
Legislator
investigate don’t investigate
defect (-x 2 - e, -c + e) (0, -x 2 )
Agency
comply (-x 2 , -c) (-x 2 , 0)
To explore plausible outcomes in an interaction like this, we identify
Nash
equilibria—that is, sets of strategies in which neither player has
an incentive to
unilaterally change its strategy given the strategy of the other player.
For example, one
set of strategies we could examine would be (Comply, Don’t Investigate)—where
A’s
strategy is listed first, followed by L’s strategy. But we can easily
see that this pair of
strategies is not a Nash equilibrium. If A knows that L will not investigate,
it has the
incentive to change its strategy to Defect. Subsequently, if L knows
A will Defect, then L
wants to change its strategy to Investigate, and so forth. A glance
at Figure 5 reveals that
there are no Nash equilibria in this game in pure strategies—that is,
if a player’s strategy
is limited to choosing one move and “sticking with it,” no Nash equilibria
exist.
In situations like these, game theorists look for mixed strategy Nash
equilibria. A
mixed strategy is a probability distribution over a player’s pure strategies.
For example, a
mixed strategy for L would be to investigate ¼ of the time and
not investigate ¾ of the
time. In mixed-strategy Nash equilibria, the players’ strategies are
best replies to each
other because each strategy makes the other indifferent between its
pure strategies,
meaning that the actors have no incentive to unilaterally change their
course of action.
In the mixed-strategy Nash equilibrium of this game, then, L will investigate
just
often enough such that A obtains the same expected payoff regardless
of whether it
chooses to comply or defect. Formally, L makes A indifferent between
its two strategies
by investigating with probability p such that:
Page 9 of 17
pages 10-11 damaged in PDF file; continue with page 12.
In the previous game, I assumed that if A was caught defecting, policy
reverted to
L’s ideal point XL. Now, I assume that regardless of the policy chosen
by A, an
inspection by L or a successful revelation of information through FOI
results in policy
being set equal to M, the ideal point of the hypothesized median voter,
XM. For this
reason, I assign A’s “comply” policy to be M, as opposed to XL = zero
as I did in the
previous game.
I examine two games that incorporate these assumptions. In the first
game, as
before, only “police patrol” monitoring exists; in the second game,
A is subject to
monitoring by an outside agent as happens under a law like FOIA. I
am interested in
calculating the expected value L can obtain from both games, and determining
under
what conditions L is likely to favor one game over the other. In both
games, A decides
whether to “defect” by adopting policy XA or to comply, by adopting
policy M.
Simultaneously, L decides whether or not to investigate A’s behavior.
The standard forms of the two games are depicted in Figures 6 and 7.
Figure 6
depicts the payoffs in the “police patrol” monitoring scenario. Note
that the payoffs are
similar to those shown in Figure 5, except that M has been substituted
as the value to
which policy reverts should there be an investigation, rather than
XL = zero as was the
case in the first game.
Figure 6.
Game II. The Inspection Game with a Median Voter
Legislator
investigate don’t investigate
XA -(x-M)2 -e, -M 2 -c + e 0, -x 2
Agency
M -(x-M)2 , -M 2 -c -(x-M)2 , -M 2
A pure Nash equilibrium exists in this game, but only for certain values
of the
parameters. (XA, Don’t Investigate) is a Nash equilibrium if -M 2 -c
+ e < -x 2 , as neither
player has the incentive to change strategies unilaterally given the
other player’s strategy.
We would expect this inequality to hold in situations where x, the
distance between XL
and XA, is relatively small compared to the distance between XL and
XM –in other words,
where the legislature and the agency hold relatively similar policy
preferences compared
to that of the median voter. One case where we might expect to see
such an arrangement
of ideal points would be where the legislature and the presidency were
controlled by the
same party.
For all other values of the parameters, pure Nash equilibria do not
exist. As
before, if L chooses the pure strategy Investigate, A then wants to
“comply”—that is,
choose M. This leads L to want to forgo investigating, and so forth.
A Nash equilibrium
Page 12 of 17
exists only in mixed strategies, where both players choose probability
distributions over
their pure strategies to make the other indifferent between their pure
strategies. In
equilibrium, L plays Investigate with probability (x-M)2 / [(x-M)2
+ e], while A plays XA
with probability c / (e + x 2 – M 2 ). (See the Appendix for these
calculations.) These
produce the expected values for the game for A and L:
EGAMEII(UA) = -(x-M)2 and EGAMEII(UL) = [ce / (e + x 2 –M 2 )] – M
2 – c
We are particularly interested in the value of this game for L, because
we want to
examine if L can improve upon this value by adopting an FOI law. Note
that L’s utility is
the utility it gains from the median voter’s ideal point ( -M 2 ) minus
the costs of direct
monitoring (c), which is offset by a fraction ce / (e + x 2 –M 2 )
that is a function of all the
parameters in the game. Notably, amount of the offset rises, ceterus
paribus, as the
distance between XA and M decreases. We will return to this observation
shortly.
We now turn to Game III, which incorporates an FOI law. In this game,
it is
assumed (unrealistically, but for illustrative purposes) that an FOI
law leads to the
disclosure of A’s policy to the public in each and every case. A glance
at Figure 7 shows
that, in this case, L has no incentive to ever investigate A: regardless
of whether L does
so, A’s behavior will become known to the public and policy will be
corrected to the ideal
point of the median voter. L therefore avoids incurring unnecessary
monitoring costs,
and Don’t Investigate is a dominant strategy for L. For its part, A
never has the incentive
to adopt its ideal point by playing XA, for policy will simply revert
to M regardless.
Therefore, this game has a Nash equilibrium in pure strategies: (M,
Don’t Investigate).
The expected value of the game is simply the payoffs for both players
in the lower right
hand corner of Figure 7: -(x-M)2 for A and -M 2 for L.
Figure 7.
Game III: The Inspection Game with a Median Voter and an FOI Law
Legislator
investigate don’t investigate
XA -(x-M)2 –e, -M 2 -c + e -(x-M)2 -e, -M 2 + e
Agency
M -(x-M)2 , -M 2 -c -(x-M)2 , -M 2
We now turn to the question: when does L prefer Game III (which I will
call the
“FOI game”) to Game II (the “direct monitoring” game)? That is, under
what conditions
is L likely to favor the adoption of an FOI law? A reasonable conclusion
is that L favors
the game from which it gains the greater expected value. Hence, L prefers
the FOI game
to the direct monitoring game if:
E(UL[FOI game]) > E(UL[direct monitoring game])
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-M 2 > [ce / (e + x 2 –M 2 )] – M 2 – c
0 > [ce / (e + x 2 –M 2 )] – c
c > ce / (e + x 2 –M 2 )
1 > e / (e + x 2 –M 2 )
x 2 –M 2 > 0
x 2 > M 2
The calculations show that L prefers an FOI law to direct monitoring
when x 2 –
the squared distance between its ideal point and A’s ideal point—is
greater than M 2 —the
squared distance between its ideal point and that of the median voter.
In other words, the
greater the agreement L is with A on the agency’s policy compared to
L’s distance from
the median voter, the less likely L is to want an FOI law. This is
most likely in cases
where the legislature and the agency (and thus the presidency) are
controlled by the same
political party.
Figure 8. Circumstances under which
a legislature prefers direct monitoring versus an FOI law
If XM is located here, L prefers direct monitoring
-x
XA XL
x 0
If XM is located here, L prefers an FOI law
Thus, if we make the reasonable assumption that the introduction of
an FOI law
leads policy to be corrected toward the ideal point of the median voter,
we see that such a
law is not costless a the legislature. In particular, to the extent
that the legislature and the
agency share similar preferences over the direction of the agency’s
policy, the legislature
has less incentive to adopt or expand FOI laws. In these cases, the
legislature wants to
avoid a revelation of agency policy to the public. Such a disclosure
leads to policy
Page 14 of 17
correction toward the preferences of the median voter, and thus a relative
loss of utility
for the legislature.
Testable Hypotheses
My theory yields the testable hypothesis that, all things being equal,
Congress
should expand FOIA access during times of divided government and curtail
it during
times of unified government. Notwithstanding the adoption of FOI in
1966, the major
statutory expansions and restrictions to FOIA have followed this pattern:
in 1974, the
Democratic-controlled Congress expanded FOIA access over a veto by
Republican
President Gerald Ford. In 1986, leaders in the Republican-controlled
Senate successfully
spearheaded Republican President Ronald Reagan’s efforts to make access
to information
under FOIA more difficult. And in 1996, a Republican-controlled Congress
substantially
expanded information access under FOIA under Democratic President Bill
Clinton.
Recently, the Republican-controlled Congress and the administration
of Republican
President George W. Bush have moved to curtail access to information
under FOIA.
I should note that I am not positing that this is the only mechanism
governing the
expansion and contraction of FOI access: for example, Clinton ran on
an explicit promise
to make government more open and transparent, and regardless of whether
it was in his
interest once he was elected, he carried out that pledge while in office.
To thoroughly test my hypothesis, in the future I plan to examine the
expansions
and restrictions put on FOIA in each Congressional session. (FOIA provisions
are
usually included in a half-dozen or so enacted bills per session.)
Again, I expect
expansions to take place under divided government and restrictions
under unified
government. A more fine-grained test of my hypothesis would be to examine
expansions
and curtailments at the committee level. Regardless of partisan control,
I would expect
areas of policy in which the administration and the relevant Congressional
committees
are in relative agreement to exhibit less FOIA access than for policies
where there is
substantial disagreement.
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REFERENCES (page 17)
Archibald, Sam. 1993. “The Early Years of the Freedom of Information Act—1955
to
1974.” PS: Political Science and Politics 26 (December): 726-731.
Arnold, R. Douglas. 1987. “Political Control of Administrative Officials.”
Journal of
Law, Economics and Organization 3 (Fall): 279-286.
Fudenberg, Drew and Jean Tirole. 1991. Game Theory. Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press.
Lappe, Marc and Tom Hayden. 2000. “Label genetically altered food.”
Los Angeles
Times April 9. Home Edition, p. M-5.
McCubbins, Mathew D. and Thomas Schwartz. 1984. “Congressional Oversight
Overlooked: Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms.” American Journal of
Political
Science 28 (February): 165-179.
McCubbins, Mathew D., Roger G. Noll, and Barry R. Weingast. 1987. “Administrative
Procedures as Instruments of Political Control.” Journal of Law, Economics
and
Organization 3 (Fall): 243-277.
President 1966. “Statement Upon Signing Public Law 89-487 on July 4,
1966.” cited in
“Attorney General’s Memorandum on the Public Information Section of
the
Administrative Procedure Act.” available online:
http://www.justice.gov/04foia/67agmemo.htm
Washington Post. 2000. “Washington in Brief.” March 15. Final edition,
p. A20.
Willing, Richard. 2000. “Wiretaps sought in record numbers,” USA TODAY,
June 5.
Final edition, p. 1A.
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